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OUR LIFE Monthly, published by Ukrainian National Women’s League of America VOL. XL MARCH 1983 EDITED BY A. H. Sawyckyj WE AND UKRAINE NINA STROKATA Excerpts from a speech given on WFWO Congress Today’s dynamic world brings constant changes. That is why it is difficult for us to understand all the transformations taking place in Ukraine today. But not understanding these changes, we cannot properly form correct images of the land of our ancestors and its people. Where can we get that knowlege which would help us better understand Ukraine and Ukrainians? For most nationalities, there is an answer — go to that country and see for yourself. But in the case of Ukraine, we cannot do it, although the insidious enemy sometimes permits some of us to visit the places where we were born. But try to remember, those of you who visited the Ukraine within the past decade, or those of you who read about or listened to the visitors — was it really possible to open that Iron Curtain wide enough to see the real situation there? No, it was not. Testimonies of those who recently left their homeland could be a source of information about contemporary Ukraine. But theirs, like any other testimony, invariably reflects their own experiences and their own convictions. Therefore, it is very difficult to add something new to our knowlege about Ukraine. Nevertheless, correct understanding is needed so that we can go into the Free World with up-to- date information and be able to talk about Ukraine as a whole, and about Ukrainian women in particular. I perceive at least two possibilities for broadening our knowledge about contemporary Ukraine. First is the Ukrainian ‘samvydav’. It is full of information about the struggle for the right to exist, the right to be Ukrainian, about “law” and lawlwssness. But human beings perceive everything through a prison of their own intellect and experience. That is why, to the ration alistic method of studying Ukriane from ‘samvydav’ publica tions we should add already proven methods of evaluation. In describing contem porary Ukraine, we must tell ourselves that the country is enslaved — then, taking into account all our political, social, economic and other ex periences, we can create an adequate perception of contem porary Ukraine. For Ukraine, which is a part of the USRR, one question be came actual and it awoke interest in the rest of the world. This question came up after the death of Breshnev and the shifts in the Communist Party and administrative apparatus of the USSR. Will these changes have any effect on the Russian Empire as a whole and on Ukraine in particular? Rumor about Andropov’s “liberalism” all of a sudden started to circulate around the world. I mention this fact for a reason. The Kremlin’s propaganda notwithstanding, those of us who meet women of other countries should try to destroy this myth of the liberal character of the former chief of the KGB. Being in this position for 15 years, Andropov and his agents perpetrated numerous brutalities and repressions in the late 60’s and the 70’s which we correctly call the anti-Ukrainian program. This was the period in which the KGB brutally murdered the best sons and daughters of Ukraine among others, artist Alla Horska and composer Volodymyr Ivasiuk. Such a person as Andropov with such achievements in lawlessness, brutality and murder is surrounded with laurels of liberalism simply because this man, thanks to Kremlin machinations, found himself at the helm of power. Quite often people ask me if changes are possible in the USSR and Ukraine. I in turn ask — what changes and in what form? I would like to add something that I think is important in evaluating contemporary “freedom” there. It is not compulsory that a new wave of anti-Ukrainian terrorism coincide with the upgrading in rank of the former chief of the KGB. Usurped power needs time for consolidation. New authority needs time to reinforce its position and to teach not only its own people of its liberalism, but the rest of the world as well. That is why it is possible to anticipate some partial respite in repression and lawlessness. At this time, we must not let the Free World believe in the liberalism of yet another Kremlin ruler. Our approach may determine many successful efforts in helping Ukraine. How can this help be rendered? Members of the WFUWO present here today are of dif ferent political and religious persuasions. That is why the answer cannot be simple or one-faceted. Help for Ukraine may come in the form of collecting and publishing information about it in the Free World. It seems to me that the World Federation of Ukrainian Women did and continues to do a great deal in this area. In Copenhagen it dis seminated information about the Ukraine, the Ukrainian woman and her specific problems. I think this organization’s publications, in several languages, about those oppressed women who need our special help are praiseworthy. We should consider how to help WFUWO continue such publications. Next — humanitarian help. This help can come from those of us who do not participate in active political life. Let us not forget that humanitarian actions open great vistas for its participants. And finally, a few words about our defense efforts. These defense efforts are not limited to demands of freeing an illegally incarcerated individual. Effective political actions by Ukrainians in the diaspora in general, and by women in 22 ’НАШЕ ЖИТТЯ”, БЕРЕЗЕНЬ 1983 Видання C оюзу Українок A мерики - перевидано в електронному форматі в 2012 році . A рхів C У A - Ню Йорк , Н . Й . C Ш A.
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