Skip to content
Call Us Today! 212-533-4646 | MON-FRI 12PM - 4PM (EST)
DONATE
SUBSCRIBE
Search for:
About Us
UNWLA 100
Publications
FAQ
Annual Report 2025
Annual Report 2024
Annual Report 2023
Annual Report 2022
Annual Report 2021
Initiatives
Advocate
Educate
Cultivate
Care
News
Newsletters
Sign Up For Our Newsletter
Join UNWLA
Become a Member
Volunteer With Us
Donate to UNWLA
Members Portal
Shop to Support Ukraine
Search for:
Print
Print Page
Download
Download Page
Download Right Page
Open
1
2-3
4-5
6-7
8-9
10-11
12-13
14-15
16-17
18-19
20-21
22-23
24-25
26-27
28-29
30-31
32-33
34-35
36-37
38-39
40
НАШЕ ЖИТТЯ • Серпень 2026 5 tion into a federal “brotherly” russia — risked the eventual dissolution of Ukrainian statehood and identity. During the First Liberation Movement of 1917–1922, lead- ers like Mykhailo Hrushevsky framed Ukraine’s struggle as an anti-colonial project long before modern statehood exist - ed. In the interwar period, with no independent Ukrainian state, movements such as the Organization of Ukrainian Na - tionalists (OUN) emerged, advocating sovereignty through revolutionary means. Far-right nationalism dominated seg - ments of the Ukrainian national movement in the 1930s and 1940s, shaped by “integral nationalism” and the belief that national survival required total commitment in the face of imperial domination. These efforts ultimately failed due to overwhelming military and political asymmetries, as Ukraini - an nationalist forces were vastly outmatched by the external powers seeking to dominate Ukraine. From Moscow’s per - spective, however, such aspirations were perceived as a di - rect challenge to russia’s own expansionist projects. The Prayer of the Ukrainian Nationalist begins with the words “Ukraine, Holy Mother of Heroes” and ends with a plea for courage, sacrifice, and unity: Burn all the weakness in my heart with the life-giving fire, may I not know fear and hesitation. Strengthen my spirit, harden my will, settle in my heart, raise me to glorious deeds; may I find my death in those deeds, a sweet death in agony for You, and may I dissolve in You and live forever in You. Eternal Ukraine: holy, powerful, united! This prayer was recited loudly and confidently at Dasha’s funeral by her comrades from Azov Brigade. It sent chills through the crowd and carried a stark realization: these young people, most in their early twenties, are prepared to die for Ukraine. The text of the prayer was written in 1936 by Osyp Mash- chak, one of the OUN’s ideologists. Although the OUN never gained broad support in modern Ukraine, the prayer cap- tured a recurring pattern of resistance — one that resonates whenever Ukrainian identity again comes under assault. Throughout the twentieth century, resistance to russian colonial rule — later framed as Soviet occupation between 1944 and 1991 — was often led by Ukrainian nationalists. This helps explain why the Kremlin has consistently refused to tolerate Ukrainian national heroes or cultural figures who affirm a distinct Ukrainian identity. Such figures were frequently subjected to elimination or repression, including imprisonment, torture, and exile to remote regions such as Siberia, while Ukrainians as a whole were often portrayed as culturally backward and politically inferior. In 1991, Ukrainian independence came suddenly for many, even within political circles, but it was confirmed by an over - whelmingly convincing referendum in which Soviet Ukrainians expressed a clear desire for their own statehood. Independ - ence is often described as having been taken for granted. Yet the first head of the newly independent Ukrainian state was Leonid Kravchuk, a former communist functionary loyal to Moscow. This choice shaped the early trajectory of the coun - try’s political course. Ukrainian national - ists at the time referred to him as “the president of a non-Ukrainian Ukraine.” At the same time, Moscow never loos - ened its grip on nationalist movements in Ukraine, even though these forces were never particularly influential at the national level. Ukraine has never had a nationalist president in the ideological sense. Against this background, as part of russia’s propaganda strategy over the past decade, the influence of nationalist actors in independent Ukraine has been routinely exaggerated. It is often claimed that the two “color revolutions,” which were in fact supported by a majority of Ukrainians nationwide, were led by na- tionalists — particularly the Svoboda par - ty. In reality, Svoboda’s political influence has always been limited. The party en- tered parliament in 2012 with roughly 10 “I Love Ukraine”: Independence Square, Kyiv.
Page load link
Go to Top
1 
2-3 
4-5 
6-7 
8-9 
10-11 
12-13 
14-15 
16-17 
18-19 
20-21 
22-23 
24-25 
26-27 
28-29 
30-31 
32-33 
34-35 
36-37 
38-39 
40 
