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22 “НАШЕ ЖИТТЯ”, ТРАВЕНЬ 2010 like a Frenchman, the Ukrainian was forced to live on terms prescribed by centuries of foreign rule. It was this lack of autonomy that created the need to h ave something distinctly “ours” — a cultural proof of existence. The corollary to this was the inherent conservatism associated with subjugated groups — when endangered, this sociological conservatism serves as protection . . . sublimation rather than confro ntation becomes a way of life and folk art is the distinct manifestation of identity preservation. Part of this syndrome is the retention of powerful natural symbols in art — charms and talismans meant to represent the positive forces and aspects of nature, symbols of safety and security. This was particularly true, Wolynetz underscored, because Ukrain e evolved as an agrarian society, subject to natural cycles and dependent on seasonal regularities for survival. Nature could be friend or foe — irregularities co uld wreak havoc on planting and harvesting, and invoking nature’s cooperation through art objects was typical of Ukraine and other agro - societies. Most evocative of such appeals to nature was the symbolic association of the sun and the egg, with the yellow yolk of the egg holding a special value in the symbolic harnessing of the sun’s power to give life and protect against evil. Wolynetz then discussed pre - Christian variants of the pysanka, among them the hollow clay eggs that were filled with small stones . Arche - ologists continue to ponder the intent of those who created them. Were they merely rattles for young children ? The prevalent view is that this is not likely and that the more likely purpose was their presumed power to frighten away evil spirits. T he speaker also addressed ethnographic research on pysanky, citing the work of 19 th century collector and ethnographer Sergei Kulzhynsky, whose book (published in Moscow in Russian) was a compilation of illustrations carefully annotated and identified by r egion as well as by the individual artist who created each pysanka in the work. Wolynetz also spoke about ethnographer Volo - dymyr Shukhevych, whose 5 - volume study of the Hutsul region of Ukraine included two volumes devoted to pysanky and the Hutsul’s use of natural colors and how the endurance of the art form served as a metaphor for the enduring and unbreakable spirit of the Hutsuls themselves. In the 20 th century, research on pysanky continued. During the Russian occupation of Ha - lychyna in 1914 – 19 1 5, for example, studies of Map of regions o f Ukrain e with pysanky representing different regions. Photo Renya Ciuk. Ukrainian village life in general included studies of pysanky. Wolynetz also discussed the work of ethnographer Vadim Scherbativsky whose con - clusions drawn from a study of symbolic motifs suggest that there are three basic motifs which are common to pysanka making — the triangke, the resetta, and the broken cross, and that these motifs (or variations of these motifs) can be seen in all traditional pysanka designs. One fascinating detail of the presentation was a debunking of the widely held belief that all Ukrainian women and girls made pysanky. This, according to Wolynetz, was not necessarily so. The re was a host of professional pysanka makers who were often asked for specific designs and symbols for specific purposes. These professionals often had “sampler” pysanky, each of which was subdivided into sections showing distinct designs and patterns. Sev eral of these samplers are now part of the collections of Ukrainian academic and ethnographic institutions. Another entertaining and fascinating seg - ment of Wolynetz’s presentation was tied to her Видання C оюзу Українок A мерики - перевидано в електронному форматі в 2012 році . A рхів C У A - Ню Йорк , Н . Й . C Ш A.
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