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“НАШЕ ЖИТТЯ”, ЛЮТИЙ 2010 25 demograficheskogo vosproizvodstva ee naseleniia, No. 8. Natsionalny instytut stratehichnykh doslidzhen Kyiv, 1993, p. 25. 4. Conscious feminism emerged in Ukraine at the end of the nineteenth century and spurred the creation of separate women’s organizations from 1884 on. In Western Ukraine, where these organizations were legal until 1939, they defended the interests of Ukrainian women and the political reality was such that the stress came to be placed, especially in writing about the organizations, on Ukrainian rather than on women. The Tsarist regime denied the claims of Ukrainians to a separate national status, hence there could not be any separate Ukrainian women's organ ization. 5. Officially, feminism was branded bourgeois and non - Soviet Ukrainian women’s organizations nationalist. Separate party women's organizations were disbanded in 1930, when the woman question was considered solved. New women’s organizations were e stablished after the Second World War to facilitate participation on the international forum. The organization was all - Soviet. 6. The resolution authorizing the new organizations tellingly illustrated what the elite of the former USSR expected: “women [in the USSR], who continually enjoy the paternal care of the party, to support its policy of speeding up the socio - economic development of the country with all their heart.” Quoted in Visti z Ukrainy, No., 1987, p. 2. 7. A Council of Women of Ukraine, reco gnized by the International Council of Women, existed during the period of the Ukrainian National Republic and through a decade of exile in the 1920s. The Soviets opposed it, in much the same fashion as they boycotted the international women's movement out side the socialist camp. Marianna Kozyntseva wrote in an article “Puzzling over equality,” in News From Ukraine no. 40, 1990: “Never since the 20s, when the independent feminist movement in this country was banned as ‘bourgeois’ have the governmental women ’s commissions been anything but mere rubber - stamps. The big question now is if they will change their role or become the antipode of popular women's movement.” 8. See for instance “I bude syn, i bude maty,” by Oleksandr Kryvoshei and Liudmyla Chechel, in Radianska Zhinka. No. 11, 1990, p. 3 5. This journal, published monthly in a run of more than two and a half million and previously derided for its bland toeing of the party line, invited its readers to express their views on the demands of the mothers’ c ommittee. See also Bohdan Pyskir, “Materi dlia Batkivshchyny,” in Suchasnist, June, 1994, pp. 70 - 82. The high mortality rate of soldiers from Ukraine in the Afghan war made mother s acutely aware of the political issues in the country. 9. Nevertheless, some journalists and even the democratic deputies who accused the army of dilatory tactics, argued that the women should have been more forceful in trying to limit the power of the military. One commentator complained that: “Mothers could play a particularly m ajor role in this situation. But they, un - fortunately, still remain passive.” In an article published in Lviv on March 27, 1991, a student charged the women with lack of zeal in pressuring for the implementation of the reform. At a meeting of the Lviv Regi onal Council and the representatives of the Regional Military Command, held at the initiative of the Committee of the Mothers of Soldiers in the Lviv Region, the director of the political division of the Regional Military Command, Oleksander Kyzym, and the director of the draft board Victor Ivanov, expressed a personal willingness to cooperate with the wishes of the mothers but pointed out that the decisions could not be regionally made and depend on the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine. Andrii Voloshchak, “Soldat ski materi, iednaitesia!” Za Vilnu Ukrainu, 27 March, 1991, p. 1. The same news - paper in its issue for February 5, 1991, published a statement of the Coordinating Council of the Mothers of Soldiers in Ukraine, accusing both the elected deputies and the gov ernment of not following through on the promise to limit service of the boys to the home country. The heading of the statement: “We will defend our sons.” 10. Text in Radianska Zhinka. No. 11, 1990, p. 27. Women demanded some civilian oversight, a shorte ned term of army service, increased leave time, and the creation of permanent medical commissions responsible to the local elected councils. They also demanded that the Minister of Defense of Ukraine be a civilian; there was even a sug - gestion that Trukhma nova head that post. The appointment of Valerii Shmarov as the Minister of Defense in 1995 marked the first civilian in this post in the experience in any post - USSR state. 11 . Pyskir, in ibid., p. 72, quoting an interview held in August, 1992, in Kyiv wit h Valentyna Artamonova and Fatima Bachynska, co - chairs, of the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers in Ukraine. ₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪ ₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪₪ Ліліана Косановська Хмари у небі розгойдує вітер, Наче приборкує дощ... Сумно - незатишно вдома си діти – Мрії у хмарах також Сипляться нині аж надто вороже, Зраджують літо й мене. Хмару з небес вітер скинути може – Хмару з душі не зжене. Liliana Kosanovska The clouds are scattered by the wind As if to fend off rain . . . It’s sad, disquieting to sit at home Dreams, also clouded, Descend today like something ominous Betraying both the summer and myself The wind can toss a cloud down from the sky But will not chase away the cloud within my soul.
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